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Zimbabwe: 85% elanikest töötud, 1 000 000% inflatsiooni aastas

Kui päris aus olla, siis ma arvasin juba aasta tagasi, et Mugabel õnnestub Zimbabwe varsti põhja lasta. Viimati, kui sellest õnnetust riigist juttu tegin, oli aastane inflatsioon 100 000 %, kuid tundub, et tänaseks on jõutud miljoni protsendise inflatsioonini. Seda võiks ju kuidagi üritada lahti mõtestada, kuid see tundub mõttetu, sest mõne aja pärast on ta juba 10 miljonit protsenti aastas.

Hiljuti avaldas New York Review of Books pikema Joshua Hammeri artikli Zimbabwest The Reign of Thuggery, mis heidab mõnevõrra ülevaatlikuma pildi riigile ja seal parajast toimuvale – lootusele, mis korraks tärkab ja mis peatselt jälle pihuks ja põrmuks lüüakse. Artikkel on kirjutatud peale viimaseid valimisi, mille ootamatust segadusest siis alles toibuti:

It is one of the hallmarks of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe that periods of relative calm and normality can be suddenly, even viciously upended. For days, the opposition—and the press—had been lulled into a sense of security. Mugabe’s secret police were still on the payroll, but it was as if they had received orders not to intervene in the democratic process, but had been ordered, perhaps, simply to observe. Then, as has happened so often in the past, the atmosphere palpably changed.

Ja loomulikult läks jälle vägivallatsemiseks ja represseerimiseks. Artikkel väärib lugemist ka sellepärast, et valgustab natuke põhjalikumalt Lõuna-Aafrika presidendi ohtliku passiivsust:

Theories abound about what may bind Mbeki to Mugabe: a reverence for the Zimbabwean dictator as the last living founder of the African liberation movement; personal distaste for Tsvangirai; a reflexive suspicion of the MDC as an agent of Western governments; fear that an MDC victory could embolden the opposition in South Africa and undermine the ANC. (“Mbeki is a ‘scion’ of liberation movements. There is no way he can dump President Mugabe at this critical moment,” said Campion Mereki in an opinion piece published in Zimbabwe’s Heraldnewspaper, the ruling party’s mouthpiece.) Whatever the case, Mbeki’s seeming blindness toward widespread intimidation of MDC voters, displacements of thousands of people, and the terrorizing of teachers, election observers, and party activists has undoubtedly worsened an already desperate situation.

Õnneks jätkub veel mõnedel Aafrika liidritel piisavalt selgroogu, et Mugabe tegevust mitte lihtsalt pealt vaadata:

Not every SADC leader has followed Mbeki’s lead: Botswana’s president, Ian Khama, has been quietly providing Tsvangirai with government planes and other logistical support as the MDC leader travels around Africa, attempting to increase pressure on Mugabe. (The Heraldcommented that Tsvangirai’s MDC was criss-crossing southern African capitals, “all in a bid to slough off its white western skin for an African one.”) And Zambian president Levy Mwanawasa, the current chairman of the SADC, has been vilified as a neocolonialist by ZANU-PF officials for his outspoken criticism of Mugabe.

Mulle tundub, et artikkel pole niivõrd Zimbabwest kuivõrd Aafrikast, kus taoline Mugabe poolt valitsetud Zimbabwe saab eksisteerida. 


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